Old-man politics dies with last 'immortal' “八老”中最后一位辞世，老人政治走入历史 Passing of elder statesman lifts ideological weight from the new generation of mainland leaders 薄一波的辞世卸去了中国新一代领导人肩上的意识形态压力 The death of elder statesman Bo Yibo marks the end of an era in which a handful of revolutionary old guards, the so-called "eight immortals", pulled the strings from behind the scenes. The passing of that era lifts an ideological weight from the shoulders of President Hu Jintao and the younger generation of leaders, analysts say. 薄一波的辞世标志着一个时代的结束，少数几个老革命家，所谓的“八老”，自此已成历史。分析家说，他们相继的逝世卸去年轻一代领导人胡锦涛肩上的压力。 "They used to be the country's core. Their power didn't come from public office but from their revolutionary credentials," said one Beijing-based political scientist surnamed Zhou, who declined to give his full name. "That period was one of most opaque politics, a cult of personality pervaded." 一位在北京拒绝透露全名的周姓政治评论家说：“他们曾是国家的核心，他们的权利不是来自人民而是来自于他们的革命背景，那个时代的政治是最不透明的，到处都是个人崇拜“” The "eight immortals" refers to paramount leader Deng Xiaoping and his political contemporaries, including former president Li Xiannian , former NPC chairman Peng Zhen , former economic boss Chen Yun , army general Song Renqiong , former president Yang Shangkun , former vice-president Wang Zhen and former vice-premier Bo. All were Long March veterans and all were victims of the Cultural Revolution. “八老”中邓小平最为重要，还有它的同辈人，前国家主席李先念，前全国人大委员长彭真，前经济工作的领导人陈云，军方领导宋任穷，前主席杨尚昆，前副主席王震，前副总理薄一波，他们都经历过长征并且是“文化大革命”的受害者。 During the Tiananmen protests in 1989, the immortals were seen as influential in pushing for a crackdown on pro-democracy students. 1989年的“天安门事件”中，“八老”被认为是力推对亲民主学生实施镇压。 Bo was also said to have played a crucial role in ousting reformist party leaders Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang during the late 1980s and the installation of a more conservative leadership headed by Jiang Zemin in the wake of the crackdown. 在1980年代薄一波被认为在罢黜改革派的党的领导人胡耀邦和赵紫阳中起了重要作用，而且在镇压开始后形成一个由江泽民领导的更为保守的领导集体中扮演了重要角色。 Hu Yaobang was forced to resign after a nationwide wave of student protests in 1987 and his death in April 1989 sparked the democracy movement that led to the Tiananmen Square crackdown. Unconfirmed reports said Hu suffered a heart attack after a heated debate with Bo during a Politburo meeting. During the meeting, Bo harshly criticised Hu and his successor Zhao. Bo reportedly called the policies implemented by both leaders since 1979 as "the error of a decade". 1987年全国范围内的学生运动导致胡耀邦被迫辞职，而1989年胡耀邦的去世引爆了民主运动，导致了后来的“天安门事件”。据未经证实的报道，在政治局会议中，与薄一波发生激烈的争执后，胡耀邦突发心脏病。在这次会议中，薄一波严词批评胡耀邦和他后来的继任者赵紫阳。薄一波说这两位领导人自1979年以来执行政策的结果是“错误的十年”。 In that era of old-man politics, the immortals dictated mainland government and party policy even though they had formally retired from office and had little day-to-day role in government. 老人政治时代，“八老”即使已经正式退休并且在政府内无任何职位，他们依旧操纵着政府和党的政策。 All of them also seemed to have learned the secret to long life, although sometimes they had to be wheeled out to attend public activities. 他们似乎都通晓养生之道，即使不时的坐着轮椅出来参加一些公众活动。 When Li, the youngest of the immortals, died in 1992, he was 83. The average life expectancy for a man on the mainland is 66. “八老”中最年轻的李先念于1992年逝世，享年83岁，而大陆老人的平均寿命是66岁。 "In that era, the final say on all major questions of state was ultimately up to Deng. In the post-Deng political era, the influence of his old revolutionary comrades was still felt and their nod was essential for any policy to get through," Mr Zhou said. 周说：“在那个时代，一些国家的大的重要的问题最后由邓小平拍板，在后邓时代，老革命家的余威尤在，对于任何政策的执行，他们的点头是很重要的。” The ending of old-man politics opens the way for the younger generation to cement its control, analysts say. 分析家说，老人政治的结束对年轻一代领导人巩固自己的统治打开了一个口子。 "For President Hu and his fourth-generation comrades, the timing could not have been better," Mr Zhou said, adding that Mr Hu was in the decisive phase of his campaign to put his own political ideology in place. "The era of senior leaders wielding power behind the scenes is gone, and this is a boon for the new leadership." 周说：“对胡锦涛和第四代领导集体，现在是最好的时候，胡现在是在他政治生涯的关键时期，他要把自己的政治理念付诸实践，‘幕后政治’的时代已经结束，这无疑是对第四代领导集体的一份‘礼物’”。 Their passing also represents the slow but progressive institutionalisation of power succession within the Communist Party. 他们相继的去世也代表了共产党内部缓慢但不断进步的权利交接制度化。 "Although the process of political democratisation is quite slow and an institutionalised mechanism of power transfer is still not quite in place, it's safe to say policy decisions are no longer in the hands of the older generation and an institutionalised transfer of power is shaping up gradually," said Liu Xutao, professor of public policy at the National School of Administration. 虽然政治民主化比较缓慢，一个制度化的权力交接还未完全形成，但可以肯定的说决策权已不在老一代人的手里，制度化的权力交接也会慢慢形成，国家行政学院公共政策教授刘旭涛（音）说 "When Jiang Zemin took the reins as party chief in 1989, the elders were still in charge. From the Hu generation onwards, power succession will be conducted in a much more formal and civil manner." “当江泽民在1989年接手中央中央总书记，老人还在位，而到了胡锦涛这一代，权力的交接将会更加正规而且文明。”。

时间就跟流水一样，过的可真快啊。又是一年新来到！